The extent to which the MMRI can serve as a meta- framework for examining other group identities (such as ethnicity and gender) is open to debate. Because the MMRI integrates ideas from the mainstream approach, certain aspects of the model may be applicable to other group identities. In particular, the structure and the processes of group identity may be similar across groups.

The extent to which the MMRI can serve as a meta- framework for examining other group identities (such as ethnicity and gender) is open to debate. Because the MMRI integrates ideas from the mainstream approach, certain aspects of the model may be applicable to other group identities. In particular, the structure and the processes of group identity may be similar across groups.

For example, much of the mainstream literature has reported evidence of the existence of identity sali- ence and centrality for identities other than African American racial identity (e.g., Cota & Dion, 1986; Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992; Markus & Nurius, 1986; McCrae & Costa, 1988; McGuire et al., 1978). Salience and centrality appear to be general cognitive processes that are not confined to any one identity. Thus, in a fairly gender-ambiguous situation, we would predict that gen- der is likely to be more salient for a woman for whom gender is a highly central aspect of her identity than for a woman for whom gender is less central. However, the qualitative meaning of these identities are likely to differ according to the historical experiences associated with the group.

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Thus, it is imperative that any application of the MMRI to other groups only be done after a careful assessment of the model’s compatibility with the his- torical and cultural experiences of the group in question. The four ideologies delineated by the MMRI are based specifically on our extensive study of the unique cul- tural and historical experiences of African Americans. Although the issues of assimilation and nationalism are relevant to other ethnic groups, there is a qualitative difference in the historical significance that these vari- ous philosophies have for different ethnic groups. For instance, there may be less tension around issues of assimilation for ethnic groups who have migrated to the United States looking for a better life as opposed to those who had American culture forced on them. Also, there may be group differences in the way that various ideologies are interrelated for various groups. There may be unique ideological profiles for African Ameri- cans based on their experiences. Similarly, the interre- lation between the dimensions and other aspects of the self may also differ across groups as a result of the qualitative differences in the experiences of the groups. Rowley et al. (in press) have found evidence that the relation between public regard and personal self-esteem does not seem to be important for African Americans, while research with other ethnic groups suggests that such a relation is important (Crocker et al., 1994).

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